FROM "FOR THE PEOPLE" TO POWER FOR THE PREMIER

FROM “FOR THE PEOPLE” TO POWER FOR THE PREMIER

In 2018, Doug Ford’s Ontario PC party swept into power using the slogan, “For the People.”

Today, that slogan is rarely used by Ford, and it’s a good thing too! ”For the People”  has become increasingly difficult to reconcile with his increasingly authoritarian governing style and contempt for the very people who elected him.

Ford’s latest attack on local democracy comes just three months before Ontarians vote in this year’s municipal elections on October 26, 2026.

What has Ford done this time?  Earlier this year, Ford’s Minister of Municipal Affairs introduced Bill 100, the Better Regional Government Act. Thanks to Ford’s Progressive Conservative majority, the Ontario Legislature passed this anti-democratic legislation and it became law. 

But is it really better

Hardly. Not for voters. Not for local democracy. It does, however, concentrate more power in the Office of the Premier.

What does Bill 100 do? It is the latest step in Doug Ford’s steady centralization of power – taking decision-making away from “the people” and consolidating it where he appears to believe it belongs: in his own hands. 

Bill 100 gives Ford the power to appoint the Chairs of Ontario’s eight regional and district municipalities – even the ones that had for years been electing them by popular vote.  

Bill 100 is a backward step for democracy and accountability, and this is no sudden development.

Since becoming Premier in 2018, Ford, who failed in his own bid to become Toronto mayor in 2014, has been using provincial powers to exact his revenge on municipal voters and local politicians.  

How Regional Government Works and Why it Matters

The Canadian Constitution establishes only two levels of government – federal and provincial. Municipal governments exist because provincial governments create them, and the provinces have complete authority to establish, regulate, structure and restructure local government as they see fit. So Doug Ford, whose party holds a majority in the Ontario Legislature, unquestionably has the legal authority to make local government as democratic – or as undemocratic – as he chooses.

Of the 8 regional governments in Ontario, six are heavily urban and specifically designated as “regional municipalities.”  In the Greater Toronto Area, there are four: Peel, York, Durham and Halton.  West and south of Toronto, there are two others: Waterloo and Niagara. Muskoka and Oxford County are “district municipalities,” which, for the purposes of selecting their leadership, are treated the same as the other regional municipalities. 

All eight of these regional governments are “two-tier,” meaning there is an upper-tier regional government responsible for services such as policing, regional roads, public transit, public health, paramedic services, water and wastewater, waste management, and regional planning, while the lower-tier municipalities (cities and towns) are responsible for local roads, parks, recreation, libraries, local planning, fire protection, and other community services.

To use one example, in Peel Region, where I once served as a Member of Parliament, there are three lower-tier municipalities – the Cities of Mississauga and Brampton and the Town of Caledon – together with one upper-tier government, the Regional Municipality of Peel, which is responsible for regional services for all three municipalities.

Three Decades of Expanding Local Democracy

Prior to Ford’s election in 2018, under successive Progressive Conservative and Liberal governments, Ontario’s regional governments had been evolving over several decades toward greater democratic accountability.  Until the 1990s, the chair of each regional council was typically chosen by the locally elected regional councillors. Technically, there was no legal requirement that the chair be an elected official. In practice, however, appointing an unelected chair was rare. Indeed, the last notable example of this occurred in 1992, when Peel Region selected a former mayor who was not at the time an office holder.

In the 1997 municipal elections, Waterloo Region became the first regional municipality to adopt the direct election of its Regional Chair. The change was initiated by the Region itself and approved by the Mike Harris PC government. The Harris PCs later authorized Halton Region to follow suit for the 2000 municipal election. Years later, after Durham Region voters approved the direct election of their Regional Chair in a 2010 referendum, the Wynne Liberal government completed the necessary legislative changes in time for the 2014 municipal election. 

In 2016, the Ontario Legislature amended the Municipal Act to require four remaining holdouts – York, Peel, Niagara and Muskoka – to hold direct elections for regional chair (or “district chair” in the case of Muskoka). (Oxford County, which already elected its head of council or “warden” directly, was unaffected by the change.) Although the change was imposed by Queen’s Park rather than requested by the affected municipalities – a debatable approach – it was nevertheless enacted in the spirit of giving a direct voice to voters in choosing their regional leader, replacing a process that had long been controlled by elected councillors behind closed doors.

The pattern is clear. Both PC and Liberal governments alike moved Ontario toward greater democratic accountability, first by permitting, and later by requiring, the direct election of regional chairs. By 2016, the transition was nearly complete.

Then Came Doug Ford, against the people 

Perhaps it should not be surprising that Ford has shown so little regard for the traditions of local government. Before becoming Premier, his entire elected political résumé consisted of a single four-year term as a Toronto city councillor, serving during the tumultuous mayoralty of his brother, Rob Ford. It was a remarkably narrow apprenticeship from which to redesign the democratic governance of every municipality in Ontario.

Despite his “For the People” slogan, his government has spent the years since 2018 dismantling that bipartisan legacy and shifting power away from voters.

Doug Ford became premier in June 2018, just months before Ontario’s scheduled municipal elections. That summer, the Ontario Legislature was recalled for a rare emergency session to pass new legislation that, among other things, repealed the impending direct election in the holdout regions of York, Peel, Niagara and the District of Muskoka. The elections for regional chair were famously, or infamously, cancelled, even though campaigning was already underway.

While some local politicians in these regions undoubtedly welcomed the return to the old insider system of selecting their respective regional chairs, their self-serving satisfaction proved short-lived. In 2022, apparently no longer content merely to deny voters a direct voice, Ford launched an even more sweeping new power grab.

The Premier Hand-Picks the Winners

Just before the 2022 election, the Ford government’s PC majority amended the Municipal Act once again, eliminating completely the role of local councillors in selecting regional chairs in Peel, York and Niagara. For the 2022 to 2026 term, it would be Premier Ford himself, through his Minister of Municipal Affairs, who would personally appoint the chairs in these regional governments!

That arrangement clearly suited Ford. Having centralized the appointment power into his own office, he soon decided to go even further. In 2026, the Ford government passed the Better Regional Governance Act, overturning a system of direct election in Durham Region that had been used successfully in three municipal elections and, more importantly, had been approved by voters themselves (the people!) in a 2010 referendum.

Ford didn’t stop there. His 2026 legislation also reversed reforms introduced by the Harris PC government nearly three decades earlier. Direct election of regional chairs in Halton and Waterloo was eliminated as well. So much for governing “For the People.”

Even worse, Ford did more than eliminate the direct election of regional chairs. Following the precedent he set in 2022 in York, Peel and Niagara, he also removed local elected officials from the selection process altogether. Beginning immediately after the 2026 municipal elections, the appointment of every regional chair in Ontario’s upper-tier municipalities will rest with Ford himself, acting through his Minister of Municipal Affairs – including in regions where voters had been choosing their regional chair directly for decades.

Ford’s appetite for centralized power seems to know no limits. What began by denying voters a direct voice has culminated in the unprecedented concentration of appointment power in the hands of the Premier.

The Most Powerful Regional Chairs Ever and They All Owe Their Jobs to Ford

Bill 100 goes even further. Ford has also granted his appointees the same “strong mayor” powers already extended to many municipal mayors, creating the most powerful regional chairs in Ontario’s history.

Provided they support certain Ford-designated provincial priorities, these Ford-appointed regional chairs will be able to propose and pass certain bylaws with the backing of just one-third of regional council. Conversely, they will be empowered to veto bylaws adopted by a democratic majority if, in their opinion, those bylaws conflict with Ford’s provincial priorities. 

In effect, Ford has created a system in which the most powerful person in every regional municipality will no longer owe that position to the voters – or even to local elected representatives – but to the Premier himself. A mandate from Ford to pursue Ford’s priorities – and the arbitrary, Ford-style, near-dictatorial powers to impose them.

I am not alone in finding Ford’s latest power grab deeply troubling. The Association of Municipalities of Ontario (AMO), which represents Ontario’s municipal governments, has condemned the changes and urged the province to repeal Bill 100, stating that “appointing regional chairs with ‘strong chair’ powers is fundamentally undemocratic… We want to keep the selection of regional chairs and county wardens local.” AMO further warned that the legislation “erodes accountability to voters, undermines the ability of local governments to reflect community needs, and risks concentrating power at the provincial level.”

Governments Change. Powers Remain.

For those who still support Doug Ford and are tempted to dismiss these changes as harmless because they trust the current government, consider this: governments change, but the powers they acquire remain.

One day, Ontario will once again elect a Liberal or NDP government. When that day comes, it will inherit every one of the centralized powers Doug Ford has accumulated. It will decide who serves as regional chair. It will determine the “provincial priorities” that justify overriding local decision-making. And it will exercise the very powers that today’s government insists are necessary.

If voters truly believe in local government, democratic accountability, and limiting the concentration of political power, they must oppose these changes now – not after someone else inherits them. 

Governments change. And the question is not whether we trust today’s Premier. The question is whether we are willing to entrust these extraordinary powers to every Premier who follows.

Introducing the Next Climate Hoax

Introducing the Next Climate Hoax

I came across yet another example of municipal madness recently: 18 Canadian municipalities and regional districts have officially endorsed the global Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative.

Two-thirds of the municipalities are in British Columbia. Three are in Quebec. Three are in Ontario – Toronto, Ottawa, and Mississauga.

Ever heard of this “treaty”? Probably not. 

The reason is simple: treaties are normally formal, legally binding agreements negotiated between governments. This “treaty” is something else entirely – a public relations ploy designed to borrow the prestige of real treaties while advancing a political campaign against fossil fuels. The not-so-small print advocates ending new oil, gas, and coal development worldwide, with a “gradual” phasing out of existing fossil fuel production, and replacing it with renewable energy through an internationally coordinated “transition.”

Ordinarily, the phrase “non-proliferation” has been paired with nuclear weapons – instruments capable of destroying entire cities, potentially ending civilization, and rendering vast swaths of the planet uninhabitable in a matter of moments.

This is a bit different. The green propagandists pushing this nonsense are using language designed to get your attention. Perhaps they are getting desperate.

“Fossil fuel non-proliferation” wasn’t a concept I had ever heard of until a little bird at Mississauga City Hall whispered it in my ear.

The vote in Mississauga, by the way, was unanimous. That means even the councillor I spoke with voted for the essentially meaningless propaganda.  

Meaningless because comparing fossil fuels or hydrocarbons to nuclear weapons is fundamentally disingenuous. Oil and gas are safe sources of energy and do not pose a threat to world civilization.

So why the extreme language? Why have so many municipalities fallen for such ridiculous rhetoric?

Let me remind you of another municipal, pre-COVID-19 pandemic, fad: the climate emergency declaration hoax.

Back in 2013, activists on the Green Left had grown dissatisfied with phrases like “global warming” and “climate change.” Neither was generating sufficient urgency. Governments were not acting – at least not fast enough or dramatically enough for the movement’s most ardent supporters.

So the terminology evolved.

Suddenly we weren’t facing mere climate change. We were facing a climate emergency.

Before long, municipal climate emergency declarations spread across Canada like wildfire. Councils eagerly adopted the language. Environmental plans were rewritten. Councillors congratulated themselves for recognizing and highlighting the problem.

It all seemed harmless.

But it wasn’t.

Those declarations were mostly ignored for a while, eclipsed by a newer and far more fashionable emergency in 2020: COVID-19 (and 2021, 2022, 2023…). Yet despite those pandemic headwinds, the climate “emergency” never really went away. In many municipalities, it became the justification for millions of dollars in spending – taxpayer dollars disappearing into a fog of vaguely defined climate initiatives. The “emergency” slowly worked its way into budgets and spending decisions across virtually every municipal department.

That continued for the better part of a decade, and is still with us.  A thaw in the emergency is on the horizon, however. Last month, Calgary became one of the first major Canadian cities to reverse course and rescind its climate emergency declaration. Councillors cited affordability concerns and an inability to effectively “follow the money” flowing from expenditures justified under the emergency banner.

The lesson should be obvious.

Equating fossil fuels with nuclear weapons is the same tactic. It is purposeful, outrageous, and ridiculous fear-mongering. It is language designed to shock, provoke, and create a false sense of crisis.

While the motion may be largely meaningless, it is not harmless.

First, while association alone is not proof of bad judgment, a cursory glance at the countries that have endorsed the treaty raises some red flags.

The list includes Vanuatu and Tuvalu in 2022; Tonga, Fiji, the Solomon Islands, Niue, East Timor, Antigua and Barbuda, Palau, Colombia, Samoa, and Nauru in 2023; the Marshall Islands, the Bahamas, and Pakistan in 2024; and Cambodia more recently. The initiative has also been endorsed by the World Health Organization, the European Parliament, and the Vatican.

I don’t wish to insult any of these countries, but what does it say that there isn’t a single G7 nation on the list? Not one major developed economy.

And what does it say about Canadian municipalities that they are so eager to join such an anti-illustrious club?

Canada would be disproportionately harmed by any meaningful action on this “treaty” because Canada is a resource-rich nation. Implementation would restrict energy development and economic growth, increase energy costs, reduce energy security and transfer significant economic and political authority to international institutions and treaty bodies.

Also, many of the treaty’s most enthusiastic supporters produce little or no fossil fuel themselves, meaning the economic burden would fall overwhelmingly on major producing countries like Canada.

Translation: Canadians pay more, have fewer opportunities, and get a lower standard of living in the bargain.

This has to stop.

Councillors, your responsibilities are already enormous. Look after roads, sidewalks, water systems, sewers, public transit, waste collection, parks, community centres, policing, fire protection, zoning, planning, public health, and local economic development.

There is more than enough genuinely important work in your own backyard to keep you busy for a lifetime.

Resist the temptation to reach halfway around the world looking for the latest global fad to awkwardly graft onto local government because, if history is any guide, today’s seemingly harmless virtue-signalling resolution becomes tomorrow’s costly spending program.

Let’s hope Canadians don’t have to endure ten years of fossil fuel non-proliferation initiatives before some future mayor, armed with a morsel of common sense, realizes the whole thing was misguided and undertakes the gargantuan task of unwinding it all.

Affordability Over Ideology in Vancouver

Affordability Over Ideology in Vancouver

Vancouver finally did it … and not a moment too soon!

Last month, in a major political move, current Mayor Ken Sim and Vancouver City Council began to dismantle one of the signature climate policies of the Green Left, Liberal/NDP Gregor Robertson era: the notorious ban on natural gas.

Gregor Robertson, a former NDP MLA in British Columbia, then Mayor of Vancouver (2008-2018), and now a Mark Carney Liberal MP and cabinet minister, was once the darling of the Green Left

Unlike most Canadian municipal politicians, however, Robertson was (and still is) a Green Left true believer, not merely a virtue-signaller.  It was late in his tenure as mayor, in 2016, that the Robertson-led Vancouver city council passed a collection of regulations that directly affected affordability and consumer choice. They called the framework “Energize Vancouver.” 

The key feature of Energize Vancouver? Restrictions aimed at phasing out natural gas in city buildings – a policy Vancouver was among the first Canadian municipalities to adopt. Vancouver’s anti-natural gas position was notably more aggressive than any other Canadian city. The result was as predictable as it was destructive: more bureaucracy, higher construction costs, fewer consumer choices, and yet another obstacle standing between ordinary Vancouverites and affordable housing

Specifically, the natural gas ban was enacted by By-Law 14578, part of a roughly ten-year effort, beginning in 2016, to phase out natural gas use in new commercial and large residential buildings in Vancouver. To accomplish this, Vancouver had to create its own municipal building code, a highly unusual move in a province where virtually every other municipality simply chooses to follow the less radical BC Provincial Building Code. 

Banning natural gas in new builds increases housing and construction costs, strains electrical grids, reduces consumer choice, and disproportionately burdens lower- and middle-income families who rely on affordable and reliable natural gas for heating and cooking. 

Robertson retired from municipal politics in 2018, but the council continued to “lean Left” for four more years.

Eventually, political winds do change – even on Canada’s “left coast” – and Ken Sim and his centre/centre-right municipal political party, ABC Vancouver, swept the left-wing council from office in the 2022 municipal election. 

After an unsuccessful 2024 attempt to reverse Robertson’s anti-natural gas policies (due in part to last-minute defections within the ABC caucus), Mayor Sim tried again to repeal Robertson’s gas ban in May 2026 – this time with resounding success.

Mayor Sim introduced the repeal Motion 8 on May 13 and it was debated at the city’s Finance and Services Committee on May 20 and 21. The motion passed at council on a largely party-line 7–4 vote, with Mayor Sim’s ABC Vancouver councillors supporting the measure and councillors affiliated with green and progressive parties voting in opposition.

To understand the significance of Mayor Sim’s victory in rolling back Robertson’s natural gas restrictions, it helps to look at the language City Council itself used to justify the move. The motion was bluntly titled “Eliminating Regulatory Barriers to Housing Affordability Through Alignment with the Provincial Building Code” – a striking admission from a city long known for layering costly climate regulations onto housing construction.

The motion read like an indictment of Vancouver’s own policy failures. Council acknowledged that Vancouver is “among the most unaffordable housing markets in the world,” while also admitting the city remains the only municipality in British Columbia with its own standalone building code. Industry stakeholders warned that “limiting options for water heating will increase costs to residents and hurt affordability,” and council further recognized that municipal regulations should not “unnecessarily contribute to the cost of delivering housing.” In other words, even Vancouver City Council could no longer ignore the growing reality that ideological climate policies were colliding head-on with economic common sense.

The motion then directed city staff to “pause the Energize Vancouver By-law implementation through non-enforcement as a specific means of addressing affordability in the city in advance of the review by staff, and inform strata owned buildings of this change as soon as possible” and further directed staff to “bring back a bylaw repeal report for By-Law No. 14578, to align with baseline provincial standards and restore the ability of Vancouverites to choose a hot water heater replacement that best suits their needs.”

This action effectively brings an end to the Gregor Robertson-era natural gas ban, which had been gradually phased in since 2016. A victory for common sense and for energy affordability in Vancouver – finally!

Congratulations to Mayor Sim and ABC Vancouver for having the courage and tenacity to stand up to green extremists and their allies at Vancouver City Hall. 

Vancouver voters should re-elect Mayor Sim and his ABC coalition, and not let the Green Left regain power. 

And municipal leaders of Canada, take note!

This is what real policy change looks like: repealing harmful policies outright when they are driving up costs and making life harder for ordinary residents.  

The lesson is simple: focus on affordability and, where the votes exist, repeal failed policies rather than merely amending them or tinkering around the edges. And while you’re at it, end the virtue-signalling too.

When Green Left politicians seize political power, they often prioritize ideological climate activism over economic growth, consumer choice, and the everyday concerns of ordinary people.

“Energize Vancouver” should never have become Vancouver’s official policy in the first place. Now that its knee-jerk, and potentially disastrous, anti-natural gas agenda has been rolled back, voters should be wary of those seeking to revive similarly reckless, costly, and irresponsible policies.

Is the Climate “Emergency” Over, Already?

Is the Climate “Emergency” Over, Already?

Once again, Calgary City Council is ahead of the curve. From what I can tell, it’s the first Canadian municipality to delve into the real meaning and consequences of its climate emergency declaration.

Like a teacher playing favourites, I’m going to single out the city of Calgary once again, this time for forging a path and doing the right thing – or at least appearing to want to do the right thing. 

With a new mayor and some new councillors, things are really looking up in Calgary. And Municipal Watch hopes other cities and towns in Canada are taking notice.

What issue am I talking about?

Five years after declaring a “climate emergency,” Calgary’s current city council is looking at possibly… maybe… undoing the policy. 

One of the two motions on the subject was put forward by Andre Chabot, a six-term councillor who points out that using the term “climate emergency” is “largely symbolic” but not harmless because it leads to significant expenditures. In other words, it’s costly – to taxpayers! – to virtue signal in this way. 

Let’s face it: when the previous council passed this declaration in 2021, it wanted to appear to care about an issue that was, at the time, higher on Canadians’ list of priorities. But that was before affordability and trade issues reshaped the political landscape and pushed nearly every other issue aside.

Credit to Chabot for including a full audit of all climate-related spending in his motion. With a $26 million budget, the climate and environment department is not exactly operating on chump change. 

But that specific department’s spending allotment is just a fraction of the approximately $214 million that Chabot says the city is spending on climate-related line items this year. 

There’s little doubt that many “embedded” climate costs are, in fact, “hidden.”

This is Councillor Chabot’s second attempt to bring this issue to the fore. In September of 2025, he and only three other members of council voted for a similar motion to rescind the emergency declaration. Back then, the motion was sponsored by then-Councillor Sonya Sharp (who ran for Mayor a month later but lost narrowly to current Mayor Jeromy Farkas). 

Back in 2021, Calgary Council voted overwhelmingly (13-2) in support of calling climate change an “emergency,” but Sharp herself was one of the councillors who changed her mind. She initially viewed it as a harmless gesture (aka virtue-signalling), but eventually concluded that it simply created “open-ended spending obligations without a clear return.”

Yep, open up the chequebook and call it climate change investment. Funny how green money always seems to grow on someone else’s tree!

The political atmosphere was already heating up ahead of the mayoral campaign, though, and Sharp quickly became the target of accusations of climate “denialism” and the usual assortment of green activist name-calling.

One particularly solid councillor of the common-sense variety, Dan McLean, invoked the definition of the word “emergency”: a “sudden and temporary event that requires urgent, coordinated action to protect people, property, and the environment.” When you look at it, that way, he concluded that “climate change does not qualify.” 

“It’s a long-term, global challenge that must be addressed through steady, responsible decisions, largely by other orders of government,” he added. Well, thank you, Councillor McLean, for stating that so simply. Changing the temperature of the planet is under the purview of the federal government! 

Have these hundreds of millions of dollars produced any “real, tangible results?”

Somewhat telling was the response by a member of city staff when asked about the possible repercussions of eliminating climate emergency language from city documents and by-laws. City staff pointed out, as one would expect, that much funding from other levels of government (namely federal) is dependent on these performative climate emergency declarations. The city’s bureaucrats are concerned that the Carney Liberal green funding taps will be turned off. Leveraging pots of cash from other sources is, after all, a significant part of their job descriptions. 

First-term councillor Landon Johnston put forward his own motion, which also calls for the scrapping of climate emergency declaration references. His motion emphasizes the insidious nature of this phrase which gets mentioned in most, if not all, of the city’s plans, communications, and websites. 

Johnston looked into the city staff contention that it was necessary to keep the language intact in order for the city to leverage pots of federal green cash. He found that none of the funding programs were tied to the emergency declarations, but rather to the city’s overall environmental protection plans. In other words, Calgary could continue with practical measures like mitigation and adaptation, without risking green Liberal largesse.

Councillor Chabot considers the two motions as complementary and stressed that both seek to focus on the aspects that are “measurable and quantifiable”; that is, spending that makes sense and which improves quality of life, with direct benefit to Calgarians versus unrealistic, bureaucratic practices that don’t work and negatively affect the lives of ordinary citizens. 

“Climate change isn’t something we can do as a city,” said Councillor Chabot, suggesting instead that reducing airborne pollutants, pursuing adaptation and mitigation measures, and cutting bureaucratic climate red tape (on housing policy, for example) would go much further toward improving life for Calgarians in the long run.

As a city, creating environmental standards is acceptable, but imposing climate policy restrictions and red tape on ordinary citizens is “overreach,” Chabot said. “At a municipal level, we have core responsibilities that are delegated by other levels of government to fulfil.”

Well said. When cities spend time and money embedding meaningless climate-emergency language into every aspect of their work, intricately woven and difficult-to-track spending often follows. And it takes away from the time, funds and commitment they should be spending in their own backyards – literally. 

The two motions will be debated at a future Calgary City Council meeting. Let’s hope that happens soon and that it spurs other municipalities to begin examining their own not-so-harmless, not-so-urgent, climate “emergency” declarations.

Will Calgary be the First to Roll Back the Climate Emergency?

Will Calgary be the First to Roll Back the Climate Emergency?

More great news coming from the City of Calgary!

In recent months, Calgary led the charge against the divisive and unCanadian “flying of foreign flags” with its own ban on this dodgy practice.

Now it seems that some newly elected municipal councillors in Calgary have initiated the process to repeal Calgary’s 2021 climate emergency declaration.

Climate emergency declaration? What is that?

For those old enough to remember politics before the Covid-19 pandemic, the green left and other virtue-signallers got swept away in the euphoria of having their local municipality declare that there was a legitimate “climate emergency” and that something had to be done immediately. 

The climate declaration panic started in Australia and then swept the “democratic” world, especially in North America and Europe.  Here is what I wrote about it last year (January 21, 2025) in Alarmism, Australia & (Tony) Abbott, which can be found on the Municipal Watch website:

Climate emergencies were also declared throughout the Province of Quebec in 2018, with climate change emergency debates spreading to council chambers across most cities and towns in English Canada in 2019. The result: a veritable tsunami of climate emergency declarations! 
Did mainstream Canadian political opinion suddenly lurch dramatically leftward in 2019, so far left that middle-class awareness of climate change led, overnight, to a “climate crisis”? Did the milquetoast municipal political class of hundreds of Canadian municipalities suddenly find radical left green religion? Uh, no.   
The green left activists who impressively orchestrated dozens, and then hundreds, of climate emergency declarations across Canada in 2019 soon discovered that the same bandwagonism that prompted lemming-like municipal politicians in this country to declare “climate emergencies” quickly reduced these declarations to a pathetic status of empty virtue-signalling symbolism. 
Following the hundreds of 2018 and 2019 municipal climate emergency declarations, there was virtually no follow-up action – anywhere – by these municipal councils. Why not? No doubt municipal leaders were distracted for quite a while by the COVID-19 outbreak and, after that, a multitude of other pressing issues. But quite a lot of time passed, and still nothing happened. No new policies, no sense of urgency. And so the climate emergency deception became apparent to those paying attention. 
Perhaps it wasn’t a true emergency after all.  
From 2016 to 2019, climate emergency declarations started out as a radical far-left green strategy, then became a very mainstream concept. And when nothing was done about them, these same declarations revealed the climate “crisis” to be merely the old wines of “global warming” and “climate change” in a new bottle. 
In short, there was no climate emergency back in 2019. And there isn’t one today. “

Five years after its 2021 “climate emergency” declaration, Calgary’s current city council is looking at possibly… maybe… scrapping the policy. 

With a new mayor and some new councillors, things are really looking up in Calgary. And Municipal Watch hopes that other cities and towns in Canada are taking notice.

One of two motions calling for the city’s climate emergency declaration to be rescinded was announced in April by Andre Chabot, a six-term councillor who points out that using the term “climate emergency” is “largely symbolic” but not harmless in that it leads to significant expenditures. 

In other words, it’s costly – to taxpayers! – to virtue signal in this way. 

Let’s face it: when the previous council passed this declaration in 2021, it wanted to appear to care about an issue that was, at the time, higher on Canadians’ list of priorities. But that was before affordability and trade issues reshaped the political landscape and pushed nearly every other issue aside.

Credit to Councillor Chabot for including a full audit of all climate-related spending in his motion. With a $26 million budget, the climate and environment department is not exactly operating on chump change. 

“Climate change isn’t something we can do as a city,” said Councillor Chabot. He added that reducing airborne pollutants, pursuing practical adaptation and mitigation measures, and cutting bureaucratic climate red tape (in housing policy, for example) would go much further toward improving life for Calgarians in the long run.

As a city, creating environmental standards is acceptable, but imposing climate policy restrictions and red tape on ordinary citizens is “overreach,” Chabot said. “At a municipal level, we have core responsibilities that are delegated by other levels of government to fulfil.”

Well said. When cities spend time and money embedding meaningless climate-emergency language into every aspect of their work, intricately woven and difficult-to-track spending often follows. And it takes away from the time, funds and commitment they should be spending in their own backyards – literally. 

Chabot’s motion and a related motion by Councillor Landon Johnston will be debated at a future Calgary City Council meeting. Let’s hope it happens soon and that it spurs other municipalities to start looking into their own not-so-harmless, not-so-urgent, climate “emergency” declarations. 

Why Mark Carney’s Green Extremism Matters to Your Municipality (and YOU)

Why Mark Carney’s Green Extremism Matters to Your Municipality (and YOU)

Mark Carney’s carefully cultivated image as a pragmatic, non-ideological banker continues to shape public perception in Canada. Many commentators are now applauding him as some sort of sensible “conservative.” But this image collapses under even modest scrutiny. 

The real Mark Carney is not a cautious moderate. Before entering electoral politics, Carney was one of the most prominent and persistent global advocates of Net Zero, a radical ideology that is currently crushing Canada through higher energy costs, reduced competitiveness, and increased dependence on foreign supply chains dominated by China. 

Carney’s career trajectory demonstrates what his “green” obsessions look like in practice. 

As United Nations Special Envoy on Climate Action and Finance from 2019 – 2025, Carney was an active driver of the global Net Zero agenda. After serving as Governor of the Bank of England from 2013 – 2020 – where he raised eyebrows with inappropriate left-leaning forays into politics, praising Greta Thunberg and criticizing Brexit – he was appointed, in 2020, advisor to the UK government on climate finance ahead of COP26, where he helped solidify international commitments to Net Zero.  

At the same time, Carney joined Brookfield Asset Management as Vice Chair and Head of ESG and Impact Investing, a position explicitly tied to advancing environmental priorities and monetizing the transition he was helping push on governments around the world. 

Here in Canada, Carney’s proximity to the Trudeau Liberals intersected with climate policy: he was an advisor to Justin Trudeau during Covid-19, at a time when Carney was telling anyone who would listen that the pandemic “offers us a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity” to enact what he called a “green recovery.” He also chaired the Liberal Party’s 2024 Task Force on Economic Growth within a government committed to aggressive Net Zero targets. 

Since becoming Prime Minister in 2025, Mark Carney has worked to make his climate obsession less obvious. But he is still the same old green ideologue and so, as Prime Minister, he has retained key elements of the Trudeau climate superstructure. 

Before last year’s election, when Liberal strategists finally recognized that Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre’s pledge to repeal the Trudeau-era carbon tax was resonating with voters, Carney responded by removing the consumer-facing component, while doubling down on the industrial carbon tax. 

The costs of the carbon tax didn’t disappear – they simply moved upstream. That is to say that businesses still had to absorb higher costs and those costs are passed through in the prices of goods and services. The carbon tax is passed on to consumers in the form of higher prices, obscuring the true responsibility and making it less likely voters will pin the blame on his government for the higher grocery bills, more expensive housing, pricier transportation, and more.  

Carney’s so-called “repeal” of the carbon tax was a classic Liberal bait and switch manoeuvre. 

Carney has done much the same more recently in scrapping the Electric Vehicle (EV) mandate and replacing it with a 75% tailpipe emissions reduction target by 2035, jumping to 90% by 2040.  

This smokescreen obscures the radical green reality. While the focus has shifted toward automakers rather than consumers – keeping explicit EV mandates off the books – the effects will still be felt by Canadians through rising prices and a narrowing range of choices. 

Another bait and switch by climate ideologue Carney. 

Keeping Trudeau’s environmentalist agenda has come at a steep cost to our economy: billions of dollars in federal and provincial spending on “green” initiatives, energy prices rising faster than incomes, growing “energy poverty,” food inflation, and grid strains related to our increasing reliance on so-called “renewable” energy. 

Carney’s track record reveals a relentless push for Net Zero policies that prioritize ideology over affordability, stability, and opportunity.  When the Prime Minister’s top priority continues to be Net Zero – embedding climate targets into every aspect of decision-making – those responsible for infrastructure, lending, and long-term planning (like city councillors!) intrinsically understand their new marching orders.  

In order to align with the Trudeau and now Carney governments’ Net Zero targets and tied funding, grants, municipalities (which rely heavily on federal and provincial funding) have begun aligning their plans to qualify for a better chance at scoring federal government money

To add extra financial pressure, banks, pension funds, and insurers – also influenced by the very global Net Zero frameworks Carney helped champion – favour projects that meet climate criteria. Municipalities, seeking financing for infrastructure or development, adjust their own policies to remain “fundable.” 

To make matters worse, simple peer pressure is part of the equation. Municipal networks, planning associations, and international groups (like FCM or ICLEI) promote Net Zero targets as best practices. Once a critical mass of cities adopts them, others follow to avoid being seen as out of step. 

In summary, Carney’s influence – both before he became PM and now – has helped define the “rules of the game” at the global and financial level – and municipalities end up playing by those rules. 

That’s why Net Zero policies can appear to emerge “naturally” from municipalities, even when the underlying logic, language, and ideology began elsewhere. And when local politicians favour following harmful and expensive globalist policies over the interests of their local residents, the biggest loser is, well, YOU.  

UPDATE: Toronto and Mississauga follow Calgary’s lead in banning foreign flags!

Great news! Since I reported on Calgary’s bold and terrific policy on banning the flying of foreign flags at its City Hall, two of Ontario’s largest cities followed the lead of these courageous Alberta city councillors: Toronto and Mississauga. 

In a 19-7 vote on March 26, 2026, Toronto city councillors voted to enact a policy like Calgary’s.  This new policy won’t take effect until December 1, 2026, though. That’s after this autumn’s municipal election, and it falls on the first day in office for the new Toronto city council. 

Kudos to Toronto City Councillors Jon Burnside and Michael Thompson for putting forward the motion! 

“A flag is supposed to be a symbol of what brings us together, not a focal point of what divides us. And unfortunately, it’s been a focal point of what divides us,” said Councillor Burnside. “I’ve watched riot squads of police officers go up and down Bay Street in preparation for a particular flag raising, and that has to stop,” he added. 

Councillor Thompson noted that there were “a lot of geopolitical issues around the world and we’re being asked to take sides.”  

“I don’t think it’s our business,” Thompson said, adding that “council is not the place to negotiate or to be involved in geopolitical issues and conflicts around the world.” 

The following week, Mississauga city councillors also banned the flying of foreign flags at city hall.   

Mississauga’s vote on a motion by Mayor Carolyn Parrish took place on April 1, 2026 – happily, not an April Fool’s joke! – and it surpassed Toronto’s in both timing and resolve. The new Mississauga policy took effect immediately, meaning “no more foreign flags” is now the active policy in Mississauga, applying specifically to “the courtesy flagpole in Celebration Square.” The motion even applies retroactively to any requests that have already been approved. 

In addition to the foreign flag ban, the motion that passed in Mississauga also included a ban on “the display of lights associated with national colours (with the exception of those of Canada) on the Civic Centre clock tower.” 

As Mayor Parrish noted on the passing of the motion in Mississauga: “Our citizens come from all over the world, leaving conflicts to become Canadians. We welcome all.” 

And, so, congratulations are due to these three city councils – Toronto, Mississauga and the first one, Calgary city council – for leading the way! 

Now, I recognize that the foreign flag issue is merely “symbolic” and that there are surely “more important issues” to be discussed. Indeed, if you have been following my blog posts this year, you will have read about some of them: climate alarmism, oil & gas advertising bans, the dangers of Net Zero, electric vehicle mandates, the War on the Car, and other extreme green left environmental policies, for example.  

But, make no mistake, the symbolism of the foreign flag ban is indeed powerful.  Local councillors who aren’t prepared to vote the right way on such a simple issue are very likely going to be “woke” and extremist on a whole host of other issues. 

Please join our campaign to get YOUR municipality to join Calgary, Toronto and Mississauga city councils to ban the flying of foreign flags at YOUR city hall! 

Mark Carney: Architect of Global Net Zero Scam

Mark Carney: Architect of Global Net Zero Scam

Our green globalist Prime Minister Mark Carney holds three passports – that we know of. Appropriate for one of the international architects of the global Net Zero scam, an ideology that is pursued enthusiastically by virtually every municipality in Canada (with encouragement from Trudeau’s and now Carney’s government).

As a reminder, Net Zero means offsetting the amount of carbon dioxide a nation emits through measures such as buying e-credits or removing it from the atmosphere through “carbon capture technology.” However, since carbon credits aren’t real and carbon capture is an expensive boondoggle, in practice, Net Zero demands slashing emissions to near-zero levels through drastic measures: phasing out fossil fuels, substituting costly and unreliable “renewables” like wind and solar, and imposing various types of mandates on consumers. 

(Wonder why there is still no new pipeline approved?)

Net Zero in Europe

Net Zero constitutes a radical restructuring not just of energy systems, but of the global economy.

Net Zero’s pitfalls are evident across Europe, one of Mark Carney’s home bases, where aggressive implementation has triggered an alarming number of energy crises. Germany’s infamous Energiewende (or “energy transition”) policy program is perhaps the most well-known example. The goal of Energiewende was to clamp down on the usage of traditional energy sources – oil, natural gas, even nuclear power – creating artificial energy scarcity, with the expectation that (heavily subsidized) wind and solar would step in and fill the void.

Consequently, the cost of electricity soared, such that Germans now pay the highest prices in the EU. This has contributed to deindustrialization, with major companies like Mercedes-Benz shifting production to Hungary, whose energy rates are 70% lower than Germany’s.

Even with higher rates, wind and solar can’t really power the entire grid of a country of 80 million people, so, in recent years, Germany became increasingly dependent on imported Russian fossil fuels to fill in the gaps. When the War in Ukraine made that untenable, the government decided on a shocking course of action – to resume burning coal just to keep the lights on, while maintaining their fantastical belief that wind and solar are the way of the future.

Germany is far from the only country brought low by Net Zero groupthink. In Great Britain, another of Carney’s countries, where he also served as central banker from 2013 to 2020, Net Zero by 2050 targets were legally mandated by the then-governing Conservative Party in 2019. But the currently governing Labour Party has gone even further, embracing Net Zero with a religious mania.

Chief among the green maniacs is Ed Miliband, Secretary of Energy Security and Net Zero. Miliband has declared that “the transition [to Net Zero] is unstoppable, [though] we need to make it move faster.” He gave himself the task of picking up the national pace, setting a goal of decarbonizing the U.K.’s electrical grid by 95% by the year 2030.

To that end, the government has invested heavily in wind and solar, while banning new oil and gas exploration in the North Sea. They’ve also moved up the timeline for banning new gas-powered cars in the country from 2035 to 2030. In less than four years, British drivers will effectively be forced into electric vehicles – whether they want them or not.

Predictably, British electricity rates are rapidly catching up to Germany’s. With a bit more time, and a bit more of the Labour government’s radical green policies, they will surely have the highest energy rates in the developed world. 

Other British Net Zero insanities include the U.K. Climate Change Committee’s continual over-the-top recommendations to parliament, including that they adopt policies which will reduce meat and dairy consumption by up to 50% by 2050, and reduce air travel, perhaps through a “frequent flyer levy.” No more pleasure travel for the British hoi polloi!

No wonder that Prime Minister Keir Starmer had to admit recently that popular backing for Net Zero had “broken down.”

The UK has become increasingly reliant on electricity imported from other European nations, despite Miliband’s constant claim that Net Zero will make the U.K. energy self-sufficient. But because the Net Zero mind virus is catching, it isn’t a sure thing that electricity will always be there to import. Just last year, Spain and Portugal experienced among the worst blackouts in Europe in decades, with an estimated 60 million people losing power. This occurred just days after Spain had bragged that it had successfully run their grid on 100% “green” energy for a short period of time.

PM Carney was, as noted, the Governor of the Bank of England. He was then and remains a leader in this European Net Zero cult. Let’s admit it, though, we all have friends who say that Mark Carney is “ok” because he is “some sort of conservative.” 

Don’t fall for this nonsense. And take action.

This year, voters in six provinces and one territory in Canada will be electing new politicians at the local level. It’s time to wake up and get involved and elect some municipal leaders who will fight Carney’s Net Zero insanity in our cities and towns, instead of promoting it. 

From Global Ideology to Local Bylaws: Mark Carney and the Spread of Net Zero in Canadian Municipalities

From Global Ideology to Local Bylaws: Mark Carney and the Spread of Net Zero in Canadian Municipalities

Canadian municipalities have been pushing the radical green Net Zero scam since well before Carney became Prime Minister. I wrote last year about how municipalities push the Net Zero agenda and will expand further in the coming months. But how have more senior levels of government – the ones that plow billions down to the municipal level – been involved in promoting Net Zero ideology? 

Net Zero and the Canadian Governing Class

Former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s approach to Net Zero was overt: his first big step, in 2016, was mandating that every province have some sort of carbon tax by 2018. He mandated Net Zero by 2050 into law in 2021, including emissions caps, anti-pipeline legislation like Bill C-69, dubbed the “no more pipelines act,” and Bill C-48, the Oil Tanker Moratorium Act. At one point, even the Conservative Party of Canada’s leader, Erin O’Toole, was duped into promoting the idea of the carbon tax.

Since coming into office, Mark Carney has retained the lion’s share of Trudeau’s Net Zero madness, albeit with a more subtle bait-and-switch approach. The most conspicuous example was the scrapping of the consumer carbon tax while hiking the industrial version, so that consumers pay indirectly, through higher costs.

Carney signed an agreement in November 2025 with Alberta’s Premier Danielle Smith which theoretically offers that province a single new pipeline (which might never get built) and in exchange Alberta had to accept the federal Industrial Carbon Tax, fully commit to Net Zero by 2050, and further agree to spending a ton of money on carbon capture and storage. 

So where is this pipeline? Where is it even being seriously discussed? There’s no project description, no environmental review, and no private-sector partner. It exists only as a bargaining chip – useful for selling a deal, useless for moving a single barrel of oil; in other words, still no pipeline.

Most recently, Carney replaced the federal electric vehicle (EV) mandate, which banned the sale of new gas-powered cars by 2035, with new tailpipe emissions standards demanding a 75% reduction by 2035 and 90% by 2040. Such stringent cuts constitute an EV mandate in all but name, since only EVs can realistically comply with them.

ONTARIO

Net Zero isn’t only a federal preoccupation. All of the provincial governments are complicit in the Net Zero scam.  And Doug Ford’s Ontario has become the poster child for provincial Net Zero fantasies.

Though Ford came into office in 2018 pledging to fix the energy mess his Liberal predecessors had left him, wind and solar today still – today, in 2026! – comprise a larger share of Ontario’s energy grid than they did eight years ago, his so-called “conservative” government plans to double wind and solar capacity over the next decade. The Ontario government is already spending billions of dollars per year of taxpayer money to subsidize electricity rates, hiding the true cost of electricity from Ontarians while ballooning provincial debt. In a province already grappling with some of North America’s highest power prices, this expansion risks repeating those past Liberal mistakes by prioritizing intermittent renewables over more reliable, affordable, and secure options, ultimately hitting households and businesses hardest. 

MUNICIPAL NET ZERO

Net Zero nonsense has filtered steadily downward not only into provincial policy but, most quietly of all, into municipal “climate emergency” declarations across the country. City councils from coast to coast have embedded Net Zero targets into long-term strategic plans, infrastructure priorities, building codes, and procurement rules, often with little public scrutiny and even less debate about cost. 

These municipal commitments are presented as morally unquestionable and technically inevitable. They are neither. They are expensive policy choices that will shape land use, housing affordability, transportation systems, and local tax burdens for decades. Net Zero’s municipal incarnation risks hardwiring those consequences directly into the daily lives of Canadian families. The cliff edge may be national in rhetoric, but the pain felt as a result will be local.

In the end, Net Zero is nothing less than economic self-sabotage dressed up as virtue. Our weakling and virtue-signalling municipalities have either signed on to this Net Zero with great enthusiasm, in some cases, or have, at the very least, completely caved into the pressure from higher levels of government.  Shame on them.

City of Los Angeles Wildfires: One Year Later

City of Los Angeles Wildfires: One Year Later

A year has passed since devastating fires ravaged Los Angeles, scorching over 57,000 acres, destroying more than 18,000 structures, and claiming at least thirty-one lives. 

Shortly after the flames subsided, I wrote about how the catastrophe was not primarily a “climate emergency,” as LA officials hastily proclaimed and the media faithfully parroted; rather, the catastrophe was a glaring example of municipal and state governance failures

One year on, further investigations reveal that my initial criticisms – and the observations of impartial American journalists – have not only been vindicated but amplified. 

What we saw in real-time – budget cuts crippling the fire department, empty reservoirs leaving hydrants dry, and woke leaders like Mayor Karen Bass prioritizing DEI deflection over fire-fighting action – has morphed into a full-blown scandal of incompetence.

It’s now clear that what happened in LA was a preventable disaster exacerbated by officials who put virtue-signalling and woke ideology above the public interest.

The empty reservoirs and dry hydrants, for instance, which turned a bad situation into a catastrophe, can be laid at the feet of Bass’s “diversity hire” administration and her progressive predecessors. 

As I noted originally, nearby three-million-gallon water tanks were quickly depleted, while the distant 117-million-gallon Santa Ynez Reservoir ran dry, forcing firefighters to rely on tanker trucks instead of dependable hydrants. A year later, it’s clear this was no fluke but the product of chronic neglect: the Santa Ynez Reservoir – holding forty times the capacity of the failed tanks – had been offline for months for what officials described as “minor repairs.”

These repairs were overseen by a woman named Janisse Quiñones, CEO of the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power. Quiñones is a proud leftist who proclaimed, at the time of her 2024 appointment by Mayor Bass, that her role was about “righting the wrongs that we’ve done in the past.” 

It’s unclear exactly how her promise to use “an equity lens and social justice” to manage infrastructure was supposed to work but we know that she supported aggressive renewable energy and local water-sourcing targets, framing them as part of correcting environmentally harmful legacy systems. All the woke buzzwords, but not much about actually managing the water supply!

Quiñones was paid $750,000 per year, a salary proposed by Bass – nearly double what her predecessor had made. No doubt those extra few hundred thousand were for “righting” those historical “wrongs!”

Perhaps the least surprising revelation is that this wasn’t some inevitable climate-fueled inferno, as was widely claimed at the time. It was arson. A federal indictment unsealed in 2025 charged one man with maliciously starting the initial brush fire on New Year’s Eve in Topanga State Park, which got out of control, was beaten back by the fire department, only to later rekindle into the Palisades blaze.

This undercuts the knee-jerk “climate emergency” rhetoric from officials and media, shifting the focus squarely to why what started originally as a minor, containable fire wasn’t fully extinguished. 

According to City Journal’s Shawn Regan, “Not only was the Palisades Fire entirely preventable, the evidence suggests; it was also fueled by California state policies that, in the words of one attorney representing fire victims, “put plants over people.”’

Regan and others have documented how California’s Wildfire Management Plan for Topanga State Park prioritized protecting rare plant-life and Native archaeological sites over aggressive firefighting. Though firefighters contained the initial eight-acre fire relatively quickly, they were barred from full mop-up operations – no heavy equipment, no retardant, and as little soil disturbance as possible.

Fire victims’ lawyers unearthed one text message in which an LAFD supervisor was asked whether they should deploy bulldozers to stop the spread of the initial fire. He responded, “Heck no that area is full of endangered plants. I would be a real idiot to ever put a dozer in that area.”

The fire was left to smoulder. Park Rangers and local hikers have testified that they saw smoke and other signs that the fire was not contained, but the site went unmonitored for six days.

In short, DEI and woke hiring practices, along with eco-zealotry and plain old incompetence, managed to turn a minor arson incident into a raging inferno.

This saga should serve as an urgent wake-up call to municipalities everywhere: prioritize raw competence above all else when electing or appointing leaders to positions of public trust. 

When officials chase “woke” ideas – whether it’s diverting resources to DEI programs over disaster preparedness, prioritizing endangered plants over human lives and property, or indulging in climate virtue-signalling instead of maintaining basic infrastructure – they don’t just fail, they actively betray the citizens they are sworn to serve and protect. 

Los Angeles stands as a tragic exhibit of how thoroughly institutions captured by the woke, green left-wing will sacrifice the actual public good in a heartbeat when ideology trumps duty. The results, in this case, are death, destruction, and ruin.

Voters, take note and act: demand competence, accountability, and a relentless focus on the basics over empty ideology, identity politics, or progressive posturing. Hold your leaders to that standard, or the next time a crisis hits, it might be your house that goes up in flames.